War Spin: America’s media treatment of POWs
An analysis of the spin surrounding Jessica Lynch and Bowe Bergdahl
"Since we cannot change reality, let us change the eyes which see reality." –Nikos Kazantzakis (Salter, 2012)
When US soldier Jessica Lynch was rescued from her Iraqi captors in 2003, she returned home to thousands of supporters. Her nine-day imprisonment in enemy territory and Hollywood-worthy rescue stirred the world’s media into a frenzy. Lynch was a hero, and America’s involvement in the Iraq war had a new life. More than ten years later, the US government approved a covert rescue operation for another American prisoner of war. In May 2014, the Taliban released Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl after five years in captivity. Bergdahl’s reception however, was far from positive. This essay will discuss the media spin surrounding both of these cases, and analyse the success (or failure) of the campaigns, paying particular attention to the roles played by the various participants.
Terms like ‘agenda-setting’ and ‘spin’ are not new to those in the media. Public relations professionals have long been responsible for controlling public image, but the intricacies of spin add a new dimension to the art. Spin can most effectively be defined as pushing a particular interpretation of events on the media, with the aim of influencing journalistic coverage and eventually, public opinion (Harcup, 2014). Communication experts known as ‘spin-doctors’ practise these ‘dark arts’ (Louw, 2010a) and aspire to several major goals: the manipulation of journalists to see the world from an angle that suits an agenda; the deflection of attention away from issues scheduled to be buried; the planting and leaking of stories to the press; and ultimately, the steering of public opinion (Louw, 2010a). While some argue that public relations professionals and spin-doctors differ in their function (Sumpter & TankardJr., 1994) both terms will be used in this essay to refer to the same idea: ‘professional impression managers’ (Louw, 2010a) who specialise in ‘hype’, agenda-setting, and act as an interface between journalists and their client (Louw, 2010a).
Agenda setting, a role of the spin-doctor, is a theory evolved “from a description and explanation of the influence that the news media have on public opinion about the issues of the day” (McCombs, 2004). It is a global event and is not bound to one language, culture, or ethnicity. ‘Hype’, which is used by professionals to achieve agenda setting, is a colloquialism used widely in the media industry to describe the event in which spin-doctors “stimulate an atmosphere of excitement and enthusiasm” about a particular event, thereby inciting passion and prejudice (Louw, 2010a). Spin teams employ both of these tactics regularly. For Private First Class Jessica Lynch, the spin team responsible for her enthusiastic welcome home were experts in their field.
In March 2003, just weeks after the US declared war on Iraq, an American convoy was ambushed in enemy territory. During the struggle, eleven soldiers were killed and nineteen-year-old supply clerk, Jessica Lynch, was taken captive by Iraqi forces (KITV4ABC, 2016). Lynch was taken to Nasiriya hospital to treat her wounds, and remained there as a prisoner of war for the following nine days (Kampfner, 2003). Back home, the Pentagon had received a tip from an Iraqi lawyer regarding Lynch’s whereabouts and a rescue operation was planned (Kampfner, 2003). Early in the morning on 2 April 2003, a joint task force of US Navy Seals and Army Rangers descended on the hospital to liberate the badly wounded Lynch. Within two hours, the nations media were called to a press briefing and shown a five-minute video that documented the rescue (Hyland, 2003) – Jessica Lynch was a war hero.
At the time of Lynch’s rescue, public support for the Iraq war was waning and the US Defence Secretary had complained about ‘media mood swings’ (Chinni, 2003). To the Pentagon’s spin-team, a captive US soldier provided an opportunity – one of celebrity. When attempting to manipulate an audience (in the US’s case, it’s general population), a viable tactic is to transform an issue (the Iraq war) into a personality (Jessica Lynch) (Louw, 2010b). The US had already developed a public relations (PR) strategy for their new war, built from the backlash following Vietnam (Louw, 2010c), and part of this strategy involved flooding the media with exciting, visually stimulating stories that would capture attention (Louw, 2010d). In theory, the stories would generate hype surrounding delicate events, and hopefully, garner public favour. In April 2003, this visual material took form as the dramatic rescue video, recorded in a green, night-vision hue, and delivered to the press. Doctor Anmar Uday, an Iraqi doctor who was in Nasiriya hospital during the rescue, spoke to the press about the ordeal and claimed that the whole event was staged.
"It was like a Hollywood film. They cried, 'Go, go, go', with guns and blanks and the sound of explosions. They made a show - an action movie like Sylvester Stallone or Jackie Chan, with jumping and shouting, breaking down doors." (Kampfner, 2003)
It was later discovered by journalists that Iraqi forces had evacuated the hospital several days prior to the ‘rescue’ and so it was medical staff who were detained by US soldiers (Kampfner, 2003). Despite inaccuracies, the media was flooded with the ‘war propaganda’ (Lynne, 2003) and public sentiment echoed that of a US spokesperson in Doha, Qatar.
"Some brave souls put their lives on the line to make this happen, loyal to a creed that they know that they'll never leave a fallen comrade." (smh.com, 2003)
In the days that followed Lynch’s recovery from Iraq, rumours began to circulate about the exact nature of the rescue, and the degree to which it had been exaggerated (Chinni, 2003). The New York Times reported that Lynch had ‘several gunshot wounds’ (Broder, 2003) while The Washington Post claimed that she had ‘fought fiercely and shot several enemy soldiers’ (Schmidt & Loeb, 2003). When these claims were proven false by Lynch herself (Lynch, 2003), Pentagon spin teams flooded the media with her image – interviews, panel shows, book launches. The American public was fixated on a petite, teenage, blonde, who had survived being a Prisoner of War (POW) and largely, lost interest in what was fact and what was fiction.
The public relations team dedicated to spinning favour for the war saw success upon Lynch’s return to West Virginia. Local and national news teams flocked to the press conference to broadcast images of America’s ‘war hero’ returning home. Local newspapers proudly showed their ‘ Hometown Hero’ on front pages (Wirt Country Journal, 2003) as thousands of supporters gathered to welcome a new celebrity (WSAZ-TV, 2003). West Virginia News reported that supporters “starting screaming when the helicopter [carrying Lynch] landed because they are so excited to get a glimpse” (WSAZ-TV, 2003). The media hype surrounding Lynch confirmed her as the “Archetypal American Soldier – a symbol of courage under fire” (McIntyre, 2003).
‘A crucial element of spin-doctoring is hiding one’s own spin’ (Louw, 2010e), and the US achieved this through selling a military celebrity and effectively deflecting any interest in the ‘truth’ of the events. When approached about the extent of Lynch’s injuries, a medical spokesperson for the Army referred reporters to federal privacy laws that prevented anyone from discussing the Private’s records (McIntyre, 2003). Questions about the exaggeration of Lynch’s rescue were similarly deflected and blamed on the media ‘who reported the event with inaccuracies’ (McIntyre, 2003). In addition to facing criticism for poor reporting, the media was left with the knowledge that they had played a crucial role in elevating Lynch to her celebrity status.
The Pentagon’s spin team achieved their success through clever media management, effective identification of their audience, and by engaging key figures early on in their campaign to secure coverage. These spin techniques were successful not only because they were used effectively, but also because they were implemented quickly. Correct timing is always essential for spin success, as was seen with the rescue of Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl.
In 2009 US soldier, Bowe Bergdahl, walked off his post in Afghanistan and was quickly captured by the Taliban. Bergdahl was held captive for almost five years, before the Obama administration traded five Guantanamo Taliban detainees for his freedom in 2014 (CNN, 2016). Whilst the return of America’s last POW to home soil would ordinarily incite international celebration (Koenig, 2015), the controversy surrounding Bergdahl’s capture, the nature of his release, and the handling of the media by the Obama team quickly turned the tide against the soldier and the White House.
It is immediately apparent when analysing Bergdahl’s case that the spin-team responsible for navigating his return failed spectacularly. When the Whitehouse received word that Bergdahl had been successfully returned to US hands, the President made an impromptu announcement at the White House’s famous Rose Garden (The White House, 2014). In order for spin teams to properly manage the press, potential communication problems must be identified early in the campaign so that effective contingency plans can be developed (Louw, 2010e). Initial plans to announce the prisoner swap and return of Bergdahl had involved a quiet release of a statement (Serial, 2016). This process would have allowed teams to flood the media with alternative stories to bury the controversial story, but this was not the case. Instead of carefully managing the situation, Obama’s administration executed a poorly prepared presentation in front of the world’s press. During the announcement, Obama attempted to interpolate audiences through the use of inclusive and progressive language. The President spoke of reconciliation, commitment, and ‘kept promises’ (The White House, 2014). Obama concluded the speech by addressing Bergdahl’s parents directly.
“I know as President, I can speak for all Americans when I say we cannot wait for the moment when you’re reunited and your son, Bowe, is back in your arms” (The White House, 2014).
Bob Bergdahl then took to the podium to address both his son and the Afghan government – speaking in Pashto. While the move was intended to be a thoughtful gesture on his part, the notion of a US Army deserter’s father speaking Pashto on national television did not sit lightly with commentators (Serial, 2016). This development along with the revelation that Guantanamo captives had been freed for a potential deserter sparked fierce commentary. Within the media, some journalists called the presentation ‘sickening’ (Cohen, 2014) and others ‘celebrating a deserter’ (Steyn, 2015). Digital and print press went wild with speculation regarding the agenda behind the White House’s actions, while Television commentators began a dialogue over the issue. Throughout, the White House’s media team failed to sway the steadily swelling tide against them.
Amidst the fallout of the Rose Garden address, ABC News approached Obama’s national security advisor, Susan Rice, about the Bergdahl case. Rice, without direction from a PR team, made one of the most controversial statements on the issue.
“Sergeant Bergdahl wasn't simply a hostage; he was an American prisoner of war captured on the battlefield. He served the United States with honour and distinction” (Rice, 2014)
The media backlash was immediate and many of Bergdahl’s former platoon members reached out to the media to dispute the claims (Fox News, 2014).
The failure of the White House to spin Bergdahl’s release positively had a greater impact than anticipated. Not only was the world’s attention on a returning alleged deserter, but the conduct of the White House leading up to the prisoner exchange was now under question. Under federal law, US Congress must be given a minimum of thirty days notice before Guantanamo prisoners can be released (Hemingway, 2014) – a step that the administration did not take. Defending his actions, Obama stated that the volatile nature of the exchange lead him to believe that notifying Congress would have endangered Bergdahl and the agreement (Warren, 2014). While the validity of such a risk has been debated, it cannot be overlooked that the White House spin-doctors were too confident in their initial assessment. Obama staff members reported that the administration had anticipated a feeling of ‘euphoria’ over the news of a US soldier returning home (Slager, 2014), and hadn’t expected Bergdahl’s former soldier’s to “swiftboat” him (Kurtz, 2015).
The White House’s mishandling of Bowe Bergdahl’s case has been condemned by professionals (Podhoretz, 2014). After an initial investigation into his case, the US military received a report that recommended Bergdahl face charges of ‘absent without leave, desertion, and fraudulent enlistment’ (Bluestone, 2016). The investigation recommended that any jail time faced by a soldier who had spent five years in captivity would be ‘inappropriate’ (Oppel Jr., 2016). Since the backlash, Bergdahl’s charges have been upgraded to ‘misbehaviour before the enemy’ (Bluestone, 2016) – a charge which carries a life sentence in prison. Bergdahl’s lawyers fear that the mishandling of his return and poor media management may have contributed to “higher levels of the military and top republicans on the presidential campaign trail seeking harsher punishment” (Oppel Jr., 2016).
Effective public relations management and spin is crucial to the success of a campaign – be it political, public, or social. In the case of Sergeant Bergdahl, the media impacted all areas of his life – from his charges, to his hometown of Hailey, Idaho who cancelled a support rally due to negative pressure (Zuckerman, 2014). In contrast, the expert spin of Jessica Lynch’s media team saw her steal the hearts of the US public. Their spin was so successful that even when Lynch attempted to distance herself from the fabricated claims of her rescue, her image simply adapted – she was instead a modest POW. While Bergdahl prepares for his military tribunal in August 2016, he will continue to face the media circus that his spin team mismanaged. Meanwhile, Lynch tours the US as a motivational speaker, still deflecting her celebrity.
“I was just there in that spot, you know, the wrong place, the wrong time.” (McIntyre, 2003)
Jessica Lynch’s spin team would disagree.
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